Setara Institute: Seiring dengan Demokrasi, Intoleransi Meningkat

http://jaringnews.com/keadilan/umum/30108/setara-institute-seiring-dengan-demokrasi-intoleransi-meningkat
Novel Martinus Sinaga

Terdapat 264 peristiwa pelanggaran kebebasan/berkeyakinan serta 371 tindakan pelanggaran dalam perspektif HAM.

JAKARTA, Jaringnews.com - Setara Institute dalam laporan mengenai kondisi kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan di Indonesia tahun 2012 mengemukakan, praktik intoleransi, diskriminatif dan kekerasan masih terus terjadi. Bahkan, tahun ini terjadi peningkatan..

Dalam laporan per 15 Desember 2012 tersebut, Setara mencatat, terdapat 264 peristiwa pelanggaran kebebasan/berkeyakinan serta 371 tindakan pelanggaran dalam perspektif HAM yang terjadi dalam kurun waktu setahun terakhir.

"Peningkatan jumlah peristiwa dan tindakan intoleransi, diskriminasi, dan kekerasan terlihat meningkat dalam kurun waktu enam tahun terakhir. Terdapat peningkatan dalam jumlah peristiwa dan tindakan yang terjadi," ujar Wakil Ketua Setara Institute, Tigor Naipospos, dalam konferensi pers yang digelar Setara di Hotel Atlet Century, Jakarta, Senin (17/12).

Adapun temuan tahun 2012 tersebut mengalami peningkatan cukup signifikan. Tahun 2011, terjadi 144 peristiwa dan 299 tindakan intoleransi. Tahun 2010, ada 216 peristiwa dan 286 tindakan. Kemudian berturut-turut 200 peristiwa dan 291 tindakan di 2009, 265 peristiwa dan 367 tindakan di 2008, serta 135 peristiwa dan 185 tindakan.

Sekedar catatan, laporan pemantauan ini membagi empat kategori tindakan pelanggaran, subjek hukum dan pertanggungjawaban. Pertama, tindakan aktif negara (by cimission). Kedua, Tindakan pembiaran yang dilakukan oleh negara (by ommision). Ketiga, tindakan kriminal warga negara. Keempat, tindakan intoleransi yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat.

KPAI Desak Pemerintah Atasi Radikalisme Agama di Sekolah

http://www.voaindonesia.com/content/kpai-desak-pemerintah-atasi-radikalisme-agama-di-sekolah/1564744.html

Komisi Perlindungan Anak Indonesia (KPAI) mendesak pemerintah untuk menindak tegas sekolah yang mengajarkan fanatisme dan radikalisme agama.

JAKARTA — Ketua Komisi Perlindungan Anak Indonesia (KPAI) Badriyah Fayumi mengatakan sejumlah sekolah telah mengajarkan intoleransi dan mengarahkan siswa untuk memiliki fanatisme terhadap ajaran agama tertentu.

Kepada VOA Jumat (14/12), Badriyah mengatakan bahwa indoktrinasi semacam itu sudah berjalan melalui kegiatan yang sistematis di sejumlah lembaga pendidikan, dan akan berbahaya jika dibiarkan.

Anak, menurut Badriyah, sangat rawan menjadi korban indoktrinasi dan juga rentan untuk meneruskan tradisi intoleransi.  Ia menambahkan kurikulum pendidikan harus betul-betul memiliki muatan yang mengajarkan toleransi.

“Radikalisme di sekolah itu terjadi dari level yang paling dini sampai level perguruan tinggi, antara lain melalui proses indoktrinasi bahwa yang lain yang tidak sama seperti kita adalah musuh kita, boleh kita serang, boleh kita perangi,” ujar Badriyah.

“Bahkan kami mendapatkan pengaduan dari guru TK di Depok, yang kemudian ayahnya mengeluarkan anaknya dari TK tersebut, karena anaknya pulang mengatakan bahwa ‘Oh, itu berbeda agamanya dengan kita, berarti dia boleh dibunuh’.”

Badriyah mengatakan kasus indoktrinasi seperti itu juga dapat terjadi melalui kegiatan ekstrakurikuler keagamaan yang ada di sekolah.

Sebelumnya, hasil survei Lembaga Kajian Islam dan Perdamaian selama Oktober 2010 hingga Januari 2011 menunjukkan bahwa 49 persen siswa di Jabodetabek (Jakarta, Bogor, Tanggerang dan Bekasi) cenderung setuju menempuh aksi kekerasan untuk menyelesaikan masalah agama dan moral.

Survei ini dilakukan terhadap 1.000 siswa dari 100 sekolah menengah pertama dan atas di Jabodetabek.

Direktur Lembaga Kajian Islam dan Perdamaian Bambang Pranowo mengungkapkan paham radikal bisa masuk ke sekolah dengan berbagai cara, seperti kegiatan ekstrakurikuler.

“Ada kegiatan yang memanggil orang dari luar untuk memberikan materi, ceramah mengenai ideologi seperti NII (Negara Islam Indonesia) secara meyakinkan,” ujar Bambang.

Juru Bicara Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Ibnu Hamad mengatakan para kepala sekolah harus dapat mengontrol setiap kegiatan ekstrakurikuler yang diikuti siswa, apalagi kalau kegiatan tersebut memanggil pihak dari luar.

Khawatir dengan kondisi di sekolah tersebut, tokoh agama Romo Franz Magnis Suseno mengatakan pendidikan ke arah toleransi harus dimulai.

“Di situ ada dua poin yang penting. Yang pertama bahwa toleransi bukan berarti mengatakan semua keyakinan sama dan sebagainya. Dan yang kedua, belajar menerima bahwa orang dengan keyakinan yang berbeda. Nah yang dua hal itu yang harus diajarkan pada anak [sejak] kecil,” ujarnya.

The Challenges of Homogeneity in Pluralistic Indonesia

http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/talkback/the-challenges-of-homogeneity-in-pluralistic-indonesia/559939
December 06, 2012 | by Daniel Alan Bey


Dede, a member of the Baduy tribe, sits on a natural root bridge after a long barefoot trek in this November 2011 file photo. The Baduy, with their traditional faith Sunda Wiwitan, is among Indonesian traditional communities not allowed to put their non-mainstream beliefs on ID cards. (JG Photo/Emily Johnson)

The Nation is a product of popular, unified consciousness – consciousness which is constructed through narrative – which in turn constructs ideology: National ideology. 

The Nation is not natural. It is not simply "there." It is an abstraction transformed into an object which appears natural. Indeed, to quote the historian Benedict Anderson, the nation is an imagined community of people, imagined through national myth, historical narrative and ideology.

The Nation is perhaps best understood through the concept of "the people," a generalized consolidation of the multiple wills inherent within The Nation, or as Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have defined these multiple wills, "the multitude." 

Indeed, for Hardt and Negri, the concept of "the people" is very different to that of "the multitude." While the former appears as a single will and is realized through homogeneity, best reflected in the acceptance of national sovereignty, the latter is, to quote Hardt and Negri, a "multiplicity… which is not homogeneous or identical with itself and bears an indistinct, inclusive relation to those outside of it." 

This situation is paradoxical and conflicting: On the one hand, "the people" is realized through the crystallization of a single will, while the various wills and actions of "the multitude" directly contradict this generalization.

It is for this reason that every nation must make the multitude into a people. When Sukarno first delivered his Pancasila speech on June 1, 1945, he was acutely aware of the enormous challenges and difficulties the new Indonesian state would face – challenges which still exist today. 

With the fervor of revolution over, the temporary, unified will of the people gave way to the numerous wills of the multitude, and Sukarno – not to mention the other leaders of the new states, such as India's Nehru and Ghana's Nkrumah – was soon confronted with the specific demands of countless tribes and ethnicities. 

These demands, through their plurality and multiplicity, conflicted and continue to conflict with the homogeneity required for the proper functioning of the nation-state, which must repress the multitude and transform it into a single, unified will, the will of the people.

This conflict manifests itself in different ways. First of all, the will of the people is achieved only after a long and difficult struggle, the chief weapons wielded by the state being ideology, which constructs and disciplines the individual, as well as violence, which is used to quell any form of dissent deemed as potentially counter-productive to the process of nation-building. 

The clearest example of this in regards to Indonesia, and the clearest example of the conflicting wills of the multitude, can be found in the histories of East Timor, Aceh and West Papua, all of which rejected national sovereignty and were met with brutal state-violence and force. It would be a mistake to question whether this force was or was not necessary, because without force and violence, the nation-state could not exist. The multitude must be coerced into becoming the people; for this reason, the nation-state is born through violence while its very existence is the continued exercise of such violence.

The recent "National Congress of Faiths to One and Only One God" last month gave around 300 indigenous groups the opportunity to voice their concerns. First and foremost among these concerns was the Indonesian state's failure to recognize their respective traditional religions. This is a perfect example of the multitude's plurality, while it presents the Indonesian state with an uncomfortable reality: The reality that the state has been somewhat ineffective in coercing the multitude into the people. 

Although Sukarno had a deep appreciation for the rich cultural diversity of Indonesia, such appreciation was also balanced with pragmatism. If Indonesia was to become a nation, the people would have to identify first and foremost with the nation, while local beliefs and traditions were promoted only within the dialectic of state nationalism. 

Perhaps that is why Sukarno limited the number of official state religions in Indonesia to just six, a number easier to unite and mold into "the people" than the potentially thousands of traditional beliefs held by Indonesia's diverse population (although, has proven, this unification is still very difficult).
            
Multiplicity, difference and diversity will always stand in opposition to homogeneity, and so the voices of the multitude – represented in Indonesia through the recent "Congress of Faiths" –  will continue to question the state, and in the process, bring the state into question. 

The recent concerns voiced by the indigenous peoples of Indonesia are not concerns unique to Indonesia, however; they are reflective of much of the post-colonial world, where boundaries were constructed in order to resist colonialism and imperialism. These boundaries, however, which manifest themselves in both physical as well as non-physical forms, are largely artificial and often fail to represent an essential or generalized people. It is this conflict which lies at the heart of the post-colonial state: a conflict which, inevitably, leads to crisis.